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 Gerry Mack's HOME Page

 I - INTRODUCTION

Mission Statement: 2005
 
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Even This Shall Pass (poem)
 
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 II - JESUS

Behind Closed Doors (poem)
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Don't Wait for the Hearse

 III - AMERICA

 Slavery/Freedom
 
Civil War Days (1861-1865)
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Jim Crow Days (Negrophobia)
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September Eleventh (2001)
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CIVIL WAR DAYS (1861--1865)

"War is delightful to those who have had no experience of it."

Desiderius Erasmus

 

"There is many a boy here who looks on war as all glory, but, boys, it is all hell. You can bear this warning voice to generations to come."

"War is hell."

William Tecumseh Sherman

 

1820-1891

 

FACT:

More American soldiers died during the Civil War
than in all the other wars Americans have fought in combined.

Abraham Lincoln had become the 16th President of the United States in 1861, an event which triggered the start of the American Civil War. Considered by many to be the greatest American war president, he became the first one to be assassinated while in office. All the way from his election to his assassination President Lincoln was bitterly disparaged by many as "uncouth," weak, vacillating, uneducated, ugly - a "gorilla," some called him. But even as he sent hundreds of thousands of them to their deaths, Lincoln was much beloved by his soldiers in the Union Army during the Civil War; it were their votes which proved instrumental in Lincoln's successful re-election in 1864.

"I desire to so conduct the affairs of this administration that if at the end, when I come to lay down the reins of power, I have lost every other friend on earth, I shall at least have one friend left, and that friend shall be down inside of me."

Abraham Lincoln

(1809-assassinated 1865)

The year 1861, here in America, outbreak of a war, with fighting between the folks of the Northern and Southern States of the Union. There were approximately four million blacks living in the Union as slaves at that time. Nearly two hundred thousand of those blacks found themselves enrolled as troops to fight within the Unions' vast army consisting of the Northern States. There were a very few blacks living in the North, the greatest mass lived as slaves on Southern plantations. Consider this in its relation to the present status of race in this country.

Slavery had come to be confined entirely to the Southern States. The Northern communities abandoned it partly because it was less profitable in the North and partly because growth of strong public sentiment against it by most American people. Although the slave interest did not start causing many of the hostilities brought against the Union by the South until 1861, the South had been prepared to leave the Union over the issue of slavery time and again ever since this nation was founded. The thought or threat posed by the people of the Northern States in their likelihood of abolishing slavery in this country was a very, very hard pill for some Southern folks in the Southern States to swallow. It led toward their attempts to finally rebel trying to secede from the Union, after having formed a Confederacy (whose primarily purpose was for the protection and perpetuation of slavery). President Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated president of the United States on March 4 1861, and he and his cabinet took the position that the states had no power to sever their connection with the Union in this fashion and that the authority of the United States government over them would be maintained. The Confederate government, on the other hand, decided that all United States troops must leave Confederate territory. It was this situation which brought about the fatal clash which ushered in the war between the two sections. There was some talk at first of attempting to compose the differences between the South and the Federal government, but this was without result. Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charleston, S. C., was occupied by United States troops and a formal demand for its surrender was made by the Confederate authorities. The demand was refused and on April 12, 1861, Confederate forces fired on the fort. Two days later Fort Sumter was surrendered to the Confederacy, and the next day, April 15, 1861 President Lincoln issued a call for volunteers to "preserve the Union" by force of arms. The war was on!

The great body of citizens of the North, by the love they had for the Union and desire to remain united, with a determination of preserving its integrity at all cost, sympathized with President, Abraham Lincoln, and his efforts of suppressing this rebellion. Patriotism had become the battlecry of the hour, among those rallying to the support of our government in its hour of need were Abolitionists. Many of whom, through their dislike of slavery in the first place, saw this conflict as a possible means, toward their purpose, of destroying the act of slavery that existed within the Union. It is rather safe to say the greater portion of the army in its plight was either indifferent or full with sympathy toward President Lincoln and his purpose, 'save the Union,' with slavery if he could, without it if he must! Early into the war, many of the Union soldiers were quick to resent the taunt, at times hurled at them, that they were "fighting to free the Nigger."

As the Union army, consisting of Northern States, moved Southward they came into immediate contact with many, many slaves, multitudes, of whom flocked within the Union army lines asking for help, service, protection, and/or support of some kind. Most were found of a motley crew, in rags, while some did manage to find employment within the Union army as a cook, waiter, or the like, it was not without struggle, as most of these slaves were simply herded together and supplied with bare necessaries.

When the question was broached at some time during this war, within the Union army, of enlisting this now liberated slave as a soldier, it was met with a strong prejudice against the idea, among both the officers and men. The general opinion stemmed around the fact that though he was now liberated, the slave was not a qualified candidate for the efficiency required of being a soldier, by reasons largely due to his ignorance and servile spirit, begotten having been held in bondage so long. The argument went that the slave could never be expected a brave soldier, especially when brought face to face with his former master, by whom he had been taught to respect, reverence, and obey. The thought of introducing any considerable number of such recruits into the army as soldiers was universally regarded as an experiment completely full of hazards, something only to be tried as a last resort, if ever. Among the private soldiers also prevailed the feeling of how it would be a disgraceful thing having a liberated slave now enlisted, on the same footing as themselves, with murmurs of discontent at the proposition along with threats of desertion, if it were carried out, were frequently heard. Besides this concern, there was too a strong objection to arming the liberated slave and using him to fight against his former master on the ground that it savored a kind of dishonor there; it would further intensify bitterness already existing among Southern and Northern folks.

On the other side of the idea shared among some officers and soldiers, who might favor enlistment of the liberated slave argued, one of the probable results of the war was likely to be slavery's total destruction, as a possible consequence, the liberated slave actually had more at sake than any other class of persons, hence, he too should share in this burden of war, thus aiding in the suppression of this rebellion. In any event, if the slave were to become a free person, his personal experience as a soldier would greatly help prepare him for life as no other experience possibly could --- few people in the history of this world have ever gained their freedom except by fighting. It was urged that the slave was essentially imitative and obedient, fond of dress and show, would likely be particularly susceptible as to the "pomp, parade, and glorious circumstance of war." Further, with certainty of severe treatment likely if captured in battle, it would give an added stimulus for the liberated slave to possess a 'desperate courage.' Thousands of liberated slaves were currently serving as 'officers' servants' indirectly, a non-combat role, learning much by simple observation of daily duties, trails, and dangers of army life, proving in it self to be a wonderful initial prep for them.

The war raged on, so did destruction to human life, made it more and more clearer how serious this conflict had all too quickly become, with more than a few Union soldiers finding themselves relating to what Miles O'Reilly and his sentiments had suggested, "the right to be kill't he'd divide with the Naygur, and give him the bigger half."As was often tersely put by soldiers, "a black man could stop a bullet as good as a white man." Eventually the general opinion of the Union army swayed to rest on the very thought of the liberated slave possibly being used as a soldier in battle after all, it was decided, when organized and disciplined as a soldier he could at very least, perform in the construction of fortifications and guarding of forts, thus liberating an equal number of veteran white troops for service in the field.

In time, government then took on the full task/decision going forward as an idea, experiment, enlisting the liberated slave to fight as a troop; with camps established, the process was began of organizing and disciplining slaves. A policy was adopted for selecting soldiers. From among the liberated slaves, all non-commissioned black officers, while white men were commissioned as field and line officers. White men chiefly selected from officers and soldiers having already served. A general principle of selecting these white officers was through a competitive examination process, resulting hopefully in securing the most qualified white man for the work needed. As might be expected, there were some white officers who found their way into this particular circle of official positions – as one such colonel, in his expressing, "he cared nothing for the 'nigger,' except for the army rank he enabled him to attain." It is needless saying, a fellow with this sort of attitude did not likely have the most brilliant success as a commanding officer of black troops.

A few named key players here, out of all the many, many both sung and unsung heroes, there are way too many to name all on my little web page, sorry:

Colonel Benjamin Harrison

General James B. Steedman

General George H. Thomas

General William Tecumseh Sherman

Lorenzo Thomas

General Granger

General E. A. Payne

So large number of troops, widely scattered over a broad theatre of military operations, under circumstances which varied greatly, there would necessarily be as wide the differences among black troops, as with white troops. So much depended on the courage and general character of white officers appointed to drill, discipline, and lead these men. With the war coming to a close in April 1865, there was hardly time of settling the question of the black troop with regard to his soldierly qualities. The general ignorance prevailing, unable to read or write, it all militated greatly against the very effort and efficiency as a soldier. The contrast between the average intelligence of white regiments --- recruiting from the best men of the North—farmers' sons, clerks school teachers, thrifty business men as well---and a regiment made up of soldiers just out of bondage, it was a striking sight! The Union army composed with such high level in the general character of its men, with no less than six of its officers having been presidents of the United States, scores having been senators, governors, and yet others having filled high official stations elsewhere. Many private soldiers from various honorable walks of life---civil and political, commercial, educational, and even religious. Never in history has such a body of intelligence among men ever been found enrolled in one army, as this was its effectiveness, largely to the high average of intelligence existing here all at once (an example too: the superiority of the German army over the French army in their late war). The cardinal virtue of any soldier may be obedience, as every experienced officer knows too, the greater the intelligence among each private soldier, greater the efficiency in an actual war. Of the liberated slaves enlisted, there were a number of stalwart men (some of mixed blood) who enjoyed exceptional advantages, possessing a fair degree of general intelligence, of whom, after preliminary instruction and training rendered efficient service as sergeants and drill-masters. Black regiment schools gave the basic elements of an English education; with large numbers of these now liberated slaves finding themselves most eager learning to read, write and even showing themselves apt in acquiring knowledge of tactics with the use of arms. As an experienced soldier and graduate of West Point, General George H. Thomas put it, speaking of a particular United States Colored Infantry, when saying, "it handled its arms better than any other regiment he had ever seen." The black soldiers' courage was vindicated and thoroughly established on many a battlefield. It is somewhat doubtful as to which class of troop, white or black, should get preference for courage. Though the black troop was perhaps more dependent upon white officers than a white troop; possibly possessed a bit less sustained courage under a trying circumstance, but he definiately endured the pains of war with a wonderful fortitude, and was very capable of romantic heroism, such as that exhibited at Petersburg. The mere fact that several black regiments became incorporated into the regular army is pretty conclusive of the fact black troops possessed soldierly qualities.

Though the near and remote consequences resulting from this whole enlistment process were many and important ones—it gave employment to the nearly two hundred thousand able-bodied, liberated slaves enlisted, who otherwise were thrown from their former service as a mere slave and having no other place of independent labor, it further served to greatly stimulate a more healthful kind of self-respect within the liberated slave as a troop, rather than the slave simply remaining a mere slave, found not wanting in any natural pride or ambition, which even in slavery was a spur to any possibility toward success and a solace in sorrow. Since the tendency of slavery was aimed at degrading a man, or, at keeping a man degraded; stifle the otherwise natural craving after recognition of manhood and the rewards that usually followed such recognition. Slavery begets cringing, fawning cowardice. The slave having trained as a soldier entertained an exaggerated notion, dignity as a soldier, looking upon the Union army as a heroic band of conquering heroes with whom serving was an honor, even in the least capacity. Enlisted as a soldier, serve as part of the great army of liberation, wear a soldier's uniform, carry a musket and be addressed as a "man" treated with respect, it was, "wowwww, thank you Jesus!" They felt the "Year of Jubilee" had indeed come! Having participated in more than several hot engagements, acquitting themselves valiantly and thus winning the praise of white officers and the encomium of fellow white soldiers, realizing partially at least, that the great gulf which had separated the chattel and the man finally had been crossed. The liberated slaves, who became soldiers, with their manhood before the entire world, were vindicated by a test. A test which has for centuries been recognized as a severe one, a test of courage in battle!

Let it is be noted to the credit of the liberated black soldier, rarely did he ever abuse his power. Often guarded property and the families of Southern soldiers. Captured and held Confederates as prisoners without insult or injury to them.

This increase in these liberated blacks' self-respect was only surpassed by increased respect extended to them by others. Seeing these once slave men now well clothed and finely drilled; appearing upon dress parade with their shoes blacked, their belts polished, their firearms glistening, clothes well brushed, white gloves, going through their manual of arms with a great precision, promptness, and enthusiasm, marching by companies from a parade ground under the command of a black sergeant, it presented a most highly impressive spectacle. Tens of thousands of soldiers, citizens gathering to bear witness to their parades, among them being a large portion of Sherman's army on its march to Atlanta. It was striking, eloquent, instantaneously effective in helping to rapidly change the previous sentiment regarding the black troop. The most common expression often heard among visitors after witnessing a parade was, "Those men will fight!"

A Virginian named General George H. Thomas, a man of great conservatism, found a deep interest in the work of organizing and disciplining the liberated slaves into troops. He would frequently visit camps, inspected their living quarters, talking with the officers commanding over them as well as freely conversing with many of the black troops themselves. As General Thomas put the question to one such officer in a conversation going something like this,

General Thomas: "Do you think these Negro troops will fight?"

The Officer: "Yes, general, they will."

General Thomas (then replying rather slowly): "Well, I think the Negro troops would fight behind breastworks (a temporary fortification)."

The Officer: "I can prove that these troops will fight in an open field," if given a chance."

General Thomas (answering quickly!): "I will give them that chance!"

Such an opportunity came, as an example, at the battle of Nashville, in the final charge on Overton's Hill, piercing the enemy's line, black and white troops, fighting and falling side by side. Later, after that battle was over, as General Thomas and his staff rode over the field looking upon all the fallen black soldiers, he stated to his officers: "The question is settled; black soldiers will fight." From that day forward, the black troops had no firmer friend than he was.

The addition of each black contingent was immediately apparent with the increase to both strength and effectiveness given to the Unions' army. Every one of these black troops counted as an additional element of strength and encouragement, especially with the difficulties created in this war, such as that of filling ranks--- depleted by death, wounds, and disease. There was a sense of great public relief and hope felt upon the people of the Northern States. Not only was this addition of nearly two hundred thousand liberated slaves an immense factor of strength, encouragement, and hope for the North, it was no less a factor discouragement and despair to the South. One of the greatest weaknesses of the Southern States' in its effort to secede from the Union was due largely to their lack of having able-bodied men to fight. It was often said of the southern states, that for them to recruit their armies they had robbed both the cradle and grave--- that is, they had enlisted the very young and very old men to fight. The far-sighted among them, early on, appreciated the immense advantage the North had in the mere force of numbers. Organizing a slave into a troop had proven a successful experiment for the defeat of the South, everyone saw at once the full significance, as it took from Southern homes the able-bodied, stalwart slave, upon whom rested chiefly the burden of raising crops which were to supply their armies. The North had converted the slave into an engine of destruction. The black contingent/slave therefore exerted a profound influence in determining the ultimate issues of the war, hastening the overthrow of the Confederacy, which had formed in the South.

When all was said and done in this war, when the battle was finally over, it was by common consent, that the liberated blacks had not only been an influential factor in doing their own part in the preservation of integrity of the Union, and there was a spontaneous recognition of their right and claim to honorable and generous treatment due to them. The black soldier contingents themselves were one of the great many factors that led to their very enfranchisement from slavery. In Congress and out it was argued, as states were to come back into the Union with their autonomy unimpaired, and that those who had been for nearly four years actively engaged in an effort to destroy it were to be re-invested with all rights and privileges of American citizenship, it seemed only fair and fitting the blacks, who fought so courageously to preserve the Union, should share in these privileges too. So it came about that the black soldier was the precursor of the black citizen. It is very doubtful that he would be enfranchised if he were never enlisted; indeed, if after enlistment, his service as a soldier had been discreditable. "God can, move mountains!" "Thank you Jesus!"

Whatever opinion may be cherished regarding the wisdom conferring enfranchisement upon the vast body of emancipated slaves, it must be conceded it marked an epoch in the evolution of the people and life here in America.

One of the most immediate results of enfranchisement, and consequently a remoter result of first, enlisting the slave as a soldier, was the education that became available to him. This need for a free person to truly be free, experience freedom and be free as a citizen, vested with the power of the ballot, he must first be educated (only the educated are free). This perhaps, quite as much as any other motive, if not the most powerful of all motives, aided in establishing in the South, by Northern Christian philanthropy, large schools for the education of leaders, particularly among black people. It also has been influential in creation throughout the South much of the public school system, whose advantages were designed to be made available to blacks participation as well.

Reflecting upon the struggle of the black soldier, it is certainly not fully appreciated the effect he had upon the black race or nation as a whole. But then, we too, must keep in mind, four million slaves growing to millions more of freemen; that as a race black people are by no means students of history, and hence have not been so profoundly influenced by the 'black army of liberation,' as the American people in general have been influenced by the Revolutionary army, and since too black people are essentially by nature, a peaceable, docile, trusting, dependent race, not warlike, nor revengeful.

Numbering two hundred thousand black soldiers is no doubt a large number in and of itself but really a very small number by comparison with the overall Unions' vast army of men which they only formed a part. And the fact that they were officered by white men, who have received, possibly, more than their share of the credit attaching to the good conduct of regiments, which they commanded and led. The officers and soldiers of the Union army have generally dominated influence in much of recorded history. The Loyal Legion and Grand Army, which have been factors of tremendous significance in the life of our nation. The national capital abounds in all sorts of military statues, and expensive monuments erected, there and in many other places to perpetuate the memory of those who gave their lives for this country. The black soldier on the other hand, well, though he has given as much, if not more than any man possibly can, he has had no great organization or monuments to perpetuate his memory as too a fallen hero of history, and the influence exerted upon the development of the black race by those brave, godly black men who fought and died during the Civil War has been but quite incidental, indirect, and comparatively insignificant to this day. This may be accounted for largely by the circumstances of the case: the black soldier was illiterate, while thousands of the white men who enlisted in the Union army were graduates of colleges and universities, and/or who had already achieved distinction in civil life; the black soldier--- poor, ignorant of the power of organizational skills, and upon his retirement from the army dropped back into obscurity.

While the experiment of the slave, liberated slave, soldier, then citizen, has been as indicated, a marked and beneficial influence upon the subsequent history of many black people, it has not necessarily developed in black people the military instinct, but has none- theless fitted them for a more complete absorption and assimilation into American life, as a citizen, as an American, which brings me to, Juneteenth (a forgotten event of history by many Americans).